Well I finished a while ago but never made commit.

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# Bibliography
Wow,[@AdamsMemBiog08] look[@FlemPicHist95] at[@JackHors92] all[@LeporeThese18] these[@WeiseDis84] references![@KirsNor98]
[@AdamsMemBiog08] [@FlemPicHist95][@GreeneLife37] all[@] these[@] references![@KirsNor98]
\pagebreak

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---
header-includes:
- \usepackage{setspace}
- \AtBeginEnvironment{quote}{\singlespacing}
- \doublespacing
title: "Norumbega: The Lives of a Myth"
title: |
\huge Eben Norton Horsford
\huge and the Legend of Norumbega
author: Jacob Signorovitch
---
@@ -13,23 +16,23 @@ unusual structure rises among the trees; a forty foot stone tower, complete
with spiral staircase and ramparts, weathered and stained with time, looking
distinctly out of place within earshot of I-95. The story of how it came to be
there involves Vikings, a baking soda magnate, the discovery of America, and,
at the center of it all, the mythical city of Norumbega. As one explores the
at the center of it all, the Legend of Norumbega. As one explores the
surrounding area, the name appears again and again: a map will tell you the
structure's name is Norumbega Tower, and running alongside is Norumbega Road.
Further south, one finds a Norumbega Park, and another road called Norumbega
Court. This paper will explore how one man in the late 19th century, Eben
Norton Horsford, combined Norse saga and a mythical New England city into a
Court. This paper will explore how one man in the late nineteenth century, Eben
Norton Horsford, combined Norse sagas and a New England *El Dorado* into a
theory for the original discovery of America, what motivated him to do so, and
the legacy he left behind.
The myth of Norumbega originated in the sixteenth century, during the Age of
The Legend of Norumbega originated in the sixteenth century, during the Age of
Exploration. To European explorers, it was variously a town, city, or country,
somewhere along the coast of New England, inhabited by amiable and civilized
natives. First given the name *Nurumberg* by Giacomo Gastaldi in a 1548 edition
of Ptolemy's Geography,[@KirsNor98, 34] the myth can be traced back to a
conflation of two separate accounts. The first is that of Giovanni da
Verrazzano, a Florentine explorer under King Francis I of
France.[@GreeneLife37, 4-7] He was one of the first Europeans to explore the
France. He was one of the first Europeans to explore the
area around Narragansett Bay in 1524[@KirsNor98, 36, 39], and recounted his
experiences in a letter to the king. He described a pleasant harbor inhabited
by friendly and civil natives.[@KirsNor98, 39] They practiced "more systematic
@@ -37,10 +40,10 @@ cultivation [of crops] than the other tribes," and were "very like the manner
of the ancients [i.e., western antiquity]."[@KirsNor98, 39] In the letter,
Verrazzano names the place *refugio*, "on account of its beauty."[@KirsNor98,
39] Despite Narragansett Bay being quite far from where Norumbega would
eventually be described, geographical ambiguity allowed his account to become
eventually be described, geographical ambiguity would allow his account to become
"at the heart of the Norumbega legend."[@KirsNor98, 39] Specifically, the
mention of a "more civilized" tribe of natives would become a core aspect of
the mythical city in all future renditions. The second account, which lends the
mention of a "more civilized" tribe of natives would continue to be a core aspect of
the legend in all future renditions. The second account, which lends the
myth its name and location, is that of Jean Alfonce de Saintonge, a pilot on
Jacques Cartier's exploration of the Penobscot Bay area.[@KirsNor98, 41]
Sailing up the Penobscot River, which he called the *Norenbègue*, he described
@@ -48,7 +51,7 @@ Sailing up the Penobscot River, which he called the *Norenbègue*, he described
words which sound like Latin and worship the sun, and they are fair people and
tall."[@KirsNor98, 41] These two accounts, Varrazzano's *refugio* and
Saintonge's *Norombegue*, eventually merged into a single myth, canonized by
the cartographer Gastaldi, of an advanced Native American city more similar to
the cartographer Gastaldi, of an advanced Native American city which shared more in common with
Europe than its neighbors.[@KirsNor98, 41]
Over the centuries that followed, more accurate maps and exploration revealed Norumbega
@@ -69,36 +72,43 @@ monument building would be repeated several times throughout Horsford's life,
culminating in Norumbega Tower. Horsford's most famous accomplishment, and how
he was able to fund these projects, would come in 1856 with his invention of a
revolutionary new baking powder recipe without a fermentation
step.[@JackHors92, 343] He founded the Rumford Chemical Works, named after the
Rumford Professorship position he held at Harvard, which would make him a
fortune.[@JackHors92, 343] While in Cambridge, Horsford became fascinated by
step.[@JackHors92, 343] He founded the Rumford Chemical Works, named after a
position he held at Harvard, which would make him a fortune.[@JackHors92, 343] While in Cambridge, Horsford became fascinated by
the possibility of Vikings in New England. This idea had some
precedent;[@FlemPicHist95, 1079] in 1841, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow wrote *The
Skeleton in Armour*, a poem about a Norse warrior whose body was discovered by
Fall River, Massachusetts.[@LongBall41, 29-41] But it was with Horsford the
Skeleton in Armour*, a poem interpreting a body discovered in
Fall River, Massachusetts[^2] to be that of a Norse warrior.[@LongBall41, 29-41] But it was with Horsford the
idea came to be most associated.[@FlemPicHist95, 1080] In 1887,[@HorsDisc87,
10] Horsford wrote the dedication for a large bronze statue of
Erickson,[@GuttVal18, 86] commending him for his early discovery of America. To
the Viking Explorer Leif Erickson,[@GuttVal18, 86] commending him for his early discovery of America. On
this point, modern scholars agree; archaeological evidence at L'Anse aux
Meadows in Newfoundland constitutes a "pre-1492 presence of Europeans in the
Americas."[@LedgeHorz19, 2] According to Icelandic sagas, it was here Erickson
built the settlement of *Vinland*. Horsford, however, believed Erickson to have
sailed far further south after making the continent, all the way down to Cape
Cod. He explains his reasoning:
Cod. He defended his reasoning by referring to the sagas:
> ...if you will be kind enough to hold up to your mind's eye, now for a
> moment, any familiar map of North America. Look at the east coast. From
> Greenland, along the line to the southwest, you will notice three projections
> into the sea. They are Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and Cape Cod.[@HorsDisc87,
> 9]
> I might dwell at some length, if time would permit, upon other interesting
> features of the relations of the Sagas:
> 1. For example, one of very great significance is that of the extraordinary
> height of the tide at high water [...] In the bottom of Massachusetts Bay,
> as you know, the tides rise from ten to twelve feet, while south of Cape
> Cod peninsula they rise but from three to five feet.
> [...]
> 5. Of the grapes which the German Tyrker, who was of Leifs crew, discovered,
> and of which, as a native of a wine country, weary of his ship's rations,
> he doubtless over-ate, there were then, as now, a plenty on the shores of
> Massachusetts Bay and along the St. Lawrence. Jacques Cartier speaks of
> them as early as 1535.
He disregards Newfoundland as an option, saying "[it] is bold, rocky,
mountainous, of meagre vegetation, and with few beaches."[@HorsDisc87, 10] How
Horsford was received in the moment, if those around him were surprised by this
theory, is unclear. But when he published the dedication, titled *The Discovery
of America by Northmen*, his theories drew the ire of contemporary historians.
One author, Justin Winsor, found issue with Horsford's theory that Vikings had
left a noticeable imprint on Native American language:
Here, Horsford also mentions that he has read the accounts of Cartier; this may
have helped him later make the connection between Vikings and Norumbega. But
for now, he was only interested in Erickson. When he published the dedication,
titled *The Discovery of America by Northmen*, his theories drew the ire of
contemporary historians. Presumably, many were upset a professor of Chemistry
thought himself more knowledgeable in their field than they were. One
author, Justin Winsor, found issue with Horsford's theory that Vikings had left
a noticeable imprint on Native American language:
> Nothing could be slenderer than the alleged correspondences of languages, and
> we can see in Horsford's *Discovery of America by Northmen* to what a
@@ -120,13 +130,13 @@ and huts, or cots."[@HorsProb89, 14] He states they are arranged "'some nearer,
some farther from the water,' as the sagas say,"[@HorsProb89, 14] again drawing
on the sagas as his primary source. Outside of just Horsford, there existed a
wider movement around the promotion of Leif Erickson in the late nineteenth
century. Newspapers at the time rarely mention Leif without mentioning his
century. Newspapers at the time rarely mention Erickson without mentioning his
preceding Columbus,[^1] which may have been part of a widespread anti-Italian
and anti-Catholic sentiment. Several other proponents of Vikings in New England
also believed "the 'Aryan race,' in particular its 'Teutonic' [i.e., German]
branch, was superior to all others."[@FlemPicHist95, 1078] Horsford, however,
seems to have only been interested in Leif and never brings up racial
superiority or a disdain for Columbus. In fact, he states that Leif's prior
seems to have only been interested in Erickson and never brings up racial
superiority or a disdain for Columbus. In fact, he states that Erickson's prior
discovery of America "would dim, by the measure of the faintest Indian-summer
haze only, the transcendent glory of the life-work of Columbus."[@HorsDisc90,
16] So, while some of the enthusiasm around Horsford's work may have been
@@ -189,7 +199,7 @@ reasons:
These convictions say much about the man Horsford was. As already seen from his
comments on Columbus, he was not motivated by dislike of the Italians; rather,
he sought to bring "the glory" of Leif's discovery to Massachusetts, his home
he sought to bring "the glory" of Erickson's discovery to Massachusetts, his home
for the majority of his working life. Second, he is remarkably humble in his
theories; this is particularly evident in his second point, and to an extent
the third. He accepts that "the trustworthiness of my conclusions
@@ -201,14 +211,24 @@ plaque at the base of the tower does not bear his name.
Eben Norton Horsford would die two years after *The Discovery* was published,
on January first, 1893.[@AdamsMemBiog08, 103] He believed himself a pioneer; at
the cutting edge of discovery, the first breakthrough in a movement that would
long outlive him. After his death, however, there seemed to be little interest
around his ideas. His biographers mostly gloss over the veracity of his
theories, focusing more on his achievements in chemistry, and his large and
generous donations to various colleges in the area.[@JackHors92, 345] The tower
remains. A century of wind and rain have made its words near impossible to
read, and trees now obscure it from the river.
long outlive him. After his death, however, there was little interest in
furthering Horsford's ideas. His biographers mostly gloss over the veracity of
his theories, focusing more on his considerable achievements in chemistry,
large and generous donations to various colleges, and support for women's
education.[@JackHors92, 345] The tower remains. Built to inspire an awe of
history, it now draws confused second glances in the rear-view mirror. A
century of wind and rain have washed out its words, and the trees it once
dominated now cast it in shadow.
[^1]: Springfield Weekly, 1893
[^2]: Unfortunately the building the body had been stored in burned down, and
so did not last long enough to be identified by modern
science.[@HorsDisc87, 30]
![*Norumbega Tower as it appeared in 1928, about forty years after its construction. Image in the public domain, accessed from* [wikimedia commons](https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Norumbega_Tower,_Charles_River,_1928,_by_Leon_Abdalian,_from_the_Digital_Commonwealth_-_commonwealth_fj237442q.jpg&oldid=915801762)*.*](tower_old.jpg){width=80%}
![*Norumbega Tower as it appears today, about 136 years after its construction. Image in the public domain, access from* [wikimedia commons](https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Norumbega_Tower_-_Weston,_Massachusetts_-_DSC06645.jpg&oldid=596325156)*.*](tower_new.jpg){width=80%}
\pagebreak
\singlespace
# References

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@@ -184,3 +184,17 @@
URL = {https://www.pnas.org/doi/abs/10.1073/pnas.1907986116},
annote = {From peer-reviewed acedemic journal.}
}
@article{WhiteLong42,
ISSN = {00365637},
URL = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/40915544},
author = {George L. White},
journal = {Scandinavian Studies},
number = {2},
pages = {70--82},
publisher = {[Society for the Advancement of Scandinavian Study, University of Illinois Press]},
title = {LONGFELLOW'S INTEREST IN SCANDINAVIA DURING THE YEARS 1835-1847},
urldate = {2025-04-27},
volume = {17},
year = {1942}
}