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- \usepackage{setspace}
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title: Norumbega
title: "Norumbega: The Lives of a Myth"
author: Jacob Signorovitch
---
\maketitle
In Weston, Massachusetts, across the Charles River from Brandeis University, an
unusual structure rises among the trees; a forty foot stone tower, complete with
spiral staircase and ramparts, weathered and stained with time, looking
unusual structure rises among the trees; a forty foot stone tower, complete
with spiral staircase and ramparts, weathered and stained with time, looking
distinctly out of place within earshot of I-95. The story of how it came to be
there involves Vikings, a baking soda magnate, the discovery of America, and, at
the center of it all, the city of Norumbega. As one explores the area, the name
comes up again and again: a map will tell you the structure's name is Norumbega
Tower, and running alongside is Norumbega Road. Further south, one finds a
Norumbega Park, and another road called Norumbega Court. This paper will explore
how one man in the late 19th century, Eben Norton Horsford, combined Norse saga
and a mythical Native American city into a theory for the original discovery of
America, what motivated him to do so, and what he left behind.
there involves Vikings, a baking soda magnate, the discovery of America, and,
at the center of it all, the mythical city of Norumbega. As one explores the
surrounding area, the name appears again and again: a map will tell you the
structure's name is Norumbega Tower, and running alongside is Norumbega Road.
Further south, one finds a Norumbega Park, and another road called Norumbega
Court. This paper will explore how one man in the late 19th century, Eben
Norton Horsford, combined Norse saga and a mythical New England city into a
theory for the original discovery of America, what motivated him to do so, and
the legacy he left behind.
The myth of Norumbega originated in the 16th century, during the Age of
Exploration. It was variously a town, city, or country, somewhere along the
coast of New England, inhabited by amiable and civilized natives. First given
the name *Nurumberg* by Giacomo Gastaldi in a 1548 edition of Ptolemy's
Geography,[@KirsNor98, 34] the myth can be traced back to a conflation of two
separate accounts. The first is that of Giovanni da Verrazzano, a Florentine
explorer under King Francis I of France.[@GreeneLife37, 4-7] He was one of the
first Europeans to explore the area around Narragansett Bay in 1524[@KirsNor98,
36, 39], and recounted his experiences in a letter to the king. He described a
pleasant harbor inhabited by friendly and civil natives.[@KirsNor98, 39] They
practiced "more systematic cultivation [of crops] than the other tribes," and
were "very like the manner of the ancients [i.e., antiquity]."[@KirsNor98, 39]
In the latter, Giovanni names the place *refugio*, "on account of its
beauty."[@KirsNor98, 39] Despite Narragansett Bay being quite far from where
Norumbega would eventually be described, the Penobscot Bay region of modern day
Maine, geographical ambiguity allowed his account to become "at the heart of the
Norumbega legend."[@KirsNor98, 39] Specifically, the mention of a "more
civilized" tribe of natives would become a core aspect of the mythical city in
all future renditions. The second account is that of Jean Alfonce de Saintonge,
pilot on Jacques Cartier's exploration of the Penobscot Bay area [@KirsNor98,
41]. Sailing up the Penobscot River, which he called the *Norenbègue*, he
described "a city called *Norombegue* with clever inhabitants [...] The people
use many words which sound like Latin and worship the sun, and they are fair
people and tall."[@KirsNor98, 41] These two accounts, Giovanni's *refugio* and
The myth of Norumbega originated in the sixteenth century, during the Age of
Exploration. To European explorers, it was variously a town, city, or country,
somewhere along the coast of New England, inhabited by amiable and civilized
natives. First given the name *Nurumberg* by Giacomo Gastaldi in a 1548 edition
of Ptolemy's Geography,[@KirsNor98, 34] the myth can be traced back to a
conflation of two separate accounts. The first is that of Giovanni da
Verrazzano, a Florentine explorer under King Francis I of
France.[@GreeneLife37, 4-7] He was one of the first Europeans to explore the
area around Narragansett Bay in 1524[@KirsNor98, 36, 39], and recounted his
experiences in a letter to the king. He described a pleasant harbor inhabited
by friendly and civil natives.[@KirsNor98, 39] They practiced "more systematic
cultivation [of crops] than the other tribes," and were "very like the manner
of the ancients [i.e., western antiquity]."[@KirsNor98, 39] In the letter,
Verrazzano names the place *refugio*, "on account of its beauty."[@KirsNor98,
39] Despite Narragansett Bay being quite far from where Norumbega would
eventually be described, geographical ambiguity allowed his account to become
"at the heart of the Norumbega legend."[@KirsNor98, 39] Specifically, the
mention of a "more civilized" tribe of natives would become a core aspect of
the mythical city in all future renditions. The second account, which lends the
myth its name and location, is that of Jean Alfonce de Saintonge, a pilot on
Jacques Cartier's exploration of the Penobscot Bay area.[@KirsNor98, 41]
Sailing up the Penobscot River, which he called the *Norenbègue*, he described
"a city called *Norombegue* with clever inhabitants [...] The people use many
words which sound like Latin and worship the sun, and they are fair people and
tall."[@KirsNor98, 41] These two accounts, Varrazzano's *refugio* and
Saintonge's *Norombegue*, eventually merged into a single myth, canonized by
the cartographer Gastaldi, of an advanced Native American city more similar to
Europe than its neighbors.[@KirsNor98, 41]
Over the centuries to follow, more accurate maps were drawn revealing Norumbega
not as the advanced society it was believed but only "a settlement on the outer
Penobscot shore."[@KirsNor98, 55] Still, the myth lay dormant, disproven yet
still alluring. Enter Eben Norton Horsford, a chemist working in Cambridge,
Massachusetts. Best known for his invention of modern baking
powder,[@JackHors92, 343] he had long harbored in interest in history and
archaeology. He would collect fossils around his father's farm in Moscow (now
Leister), New York where he grew up,[@JackHors92, 340] and became interested in
learning the language of the Seneca Indians[@JackHors92, 340] to which his
father worked as a missionary.[@JackHors92, 103] Later, he would often visit
his wife's family estate on Shelter Island, New York.[@AdamsMemBiog08, 104]
There, he became interested in the island's history and "erected a monument to
the Quakers, who found shelter there from Puritan
persecution."[@AdamsMemBiog08, 104] This pattern of research and monument
building would be repeated several times throughout his life, including the
Norumbega Tower. Horsford's most famous accomplishment, and how he was able to
fund these projects, would come in 1856 with his invention of a revolutionary
new baking powder recipe without a fermentation step.[@JackHors92, 343] He
founded the Rumford Chemical Works, named after the Rumford Professorship
position he held at Harvard, which would make him a fortune.[@JackHors92, 343]
While in Cambridge, Horsford became very interested in the possibility of
Vikings in New England. This idea had some precedent;[@FlemPicHist95, 1079] in
1841, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow wrote *The Skeleton in Armour*, a poem about a
Norse warrior whose body was discovered by Fall River,
Massachusetts.[@LongBall41, 29-41] But it was with Horsford the idea came to be
most associated.[@FlemPicHist95, 1080] In 1887,[@HorsDisc87, 10] Horsford wrote
the dedication for a large bronze statue of Erickson,[@GuttVal18, 86]
commending him for his early discovery of America. He doesn't stop just there,
though; he additionally asserts Leif sailed south after making the continent,
all the way to Cape Cod. He explains his reasoning:
Over the centuries that followed, more accurate maps and exploration revealed Norumbega
not as the advanced society it was believed to be but only "a settlement on the
outer Penobscot shore."[@KirsNor98, 55] Still, the myth lay dormant, disproven
yet still alluring. Enter Eben Norton Horsford, a mid-nineteenth century
chemist working in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Best known for his invention of
modern baking powder,[@JackHors92, 343] Horsford had long harbored an interest
in history and archaeology. He collected fossils around his father's farm in
Moscow (now Leister), New York where he grew up,[@JackHors92, 340] and became
interested in learning the language of the Seneca Indians[@JackHors92, 340] to
which his father worked as a missionary.[@JackHors92, 103] Later, he would
often visit his wife's family estate on Shelter Island, New
York,[@AdamsMemBiog08, 104] where he became interested in the island's history.
He even "erected a monument to the Quakers, who found shelter there from
Puritan persecution."[@AdamsMemBiog08, 104] This pattern of research and
monument building would be repeated several times throughout Horsford's life,
culminating in Norumbega Tower. Horsford's most famous accomplishment, and how
he was able to fund these projects, would come in 1856 with his invention of a
revolutionary new baking powder recipe without a fermentation
step.[@JackHors92, 343] He founded the Rumford Chemical Works, named after the
Rumford Professorship position he held at Harvard, which would make him a
fortune.[@JackHors92, 343] While in Cambridge, Horsford became fascinated by
the possibility of Vikings in New England. This idea had some
precedent;[@FlemPicHist95, 1079] in 1841, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow wrote *The
Skeleton in Armour*, a poem about a Norse warrior whose body was discovered by
Fall River, Massachusetts.[@LongBall41, 29-41] But it was with Horsford the
idea came to be most associated.[@FlemPicHist95, 1080] In 1887,[@HorsDisc87,
10] Horsford wrote the dedication for a large bronze statue of
Erickson,[@GuttVal18, 86] commending him for his early discovery of America. To
this point, modern scholars agree; archaeological evidence at L'Anse aux
Meadows in Newfoundland constitutes a "pre-1492 presence of Europeans in the
Americas."[@LedgeHorz19, 2] According to Icelandic sagas, it was here Erickson
built the settlement of *Vinland*. Horsford, however, believed Erickson to have
sailed far further south after making the continent, all the way down to Cape
Cod. He explains his reasoning:
> ...if you will be kind enough to hold up to your mind's eye, now for a
> moment, any familiar map of North America. Look at the east coast. From
@@ -87,13 +93,12 @@ all the way to Cape Cod. He explains his reasoning:
> 9]
He disregards Newfoundland as an option, saying "[it] is bold, rocky,
mountainous, of meagre vegetation, and with few beaches."[@HorsDisc87, 10]
Ironically, the best evidence archaeologists have now for the location of
Vinland is L'Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland. How Horsford was recieved in the
moment, if those around him were surprised by this theory, is unclear. But his
theories would certainly see criticism from historians once published. One
contemporary historian, Justin Winsor, found issue with Horsford's theory that
Vikings had left a noticeable imprint on Native American language:
mountainous, of meagre vegetation, and with few beaches."[@HorsDisc87, 10] How
Horsford was received in the moment, if those around him were surprised by this
theory, is unclear. But when he published the dedication, titled *The Discovery
of America by Northmen*, his theories drew the ire of contemporary historians.
One author, Justin Winsor, found issue with Horsford's theory that Vikings had
left a noticeable imprint on Native American language:
> Nothing could be slenderer than the alleged correspondences of languages, and
> we can see in Horsford's *Discovery of America by Northmen* to what a
@@ -112,54 +117,56 @@ found."[@HorsProb89, 14] Here Horsford was remarkably confident in his claims,
inviting his audience to see the evidence for themselves. He claims there are
"inequalities of the surface," which are "the remains of two long log houses,
and huts, or cots."[@HorsProb89, 14] He states they are arranged "'some nearer,
some farther from the water,' as the sagas say,"[@HorsProb89, 14] again using
the sagas as a primary source of proof for his theory. Outside of just
Horsford, there existed a wider movement around the promotion of Leif Erickson
at the time. Newspapers at the time rarely mention Leif without mention his
preceding Columbus,[^1] which may have been part of the widespread anti-Italian
sentiment. Several other proponents of Vikings in New England also believed
"the 'Aryan race,' in particular its 'Teutonic' [i.e., German] branch, was
superior to all others."[@FlemPicHist95, 1078] Horsford, however, seems to have
only been interested in Leif and never brings up racial superiority or a
disdain for Columbus. In fact, he states that Leif's prior discovery of America
"would dim, by the measure of the faintest Indian-summer haze only, the
transcendent glory of the life-work of Columbus."[@HorsDisc90, 16] So, while
some of the enthusiasm around Horsford's work may have been to diminish
Columbus as an expression of pro-Nordic anti-Italian sentiment, it seems the
man himself was more scientifically motivated.
some farther from the water,' as the sagas say,"[@HorsProb89, 14] again drawing
on the sagas as his primary source. Outside of just Horsford, there existed a
wider movement around the promotion of Leif Erickson in the late nineteenth
century. Newspapers at the time rarely mention Leif without mentioning his
preceding Columbus,[^1] which may have been part of a widespread anti-Italian
and anti-Catholic sentiment. Several other proponents of Vikings in New England
also believed "the 'Aryan race,' in particular its 'Teutonic' [i.e., German]
branch, was superior to all others."[@FlemPicHist95, 1078] Horsford, however,
seems to have only been interested in Leif and never brings up racial
superiority or a disdain for Columbus. In fact, he states that Leif's prior
discovery of America "would dim, by the measure of the faintest Indian-summer
haze only, the transcendent glory of the life-work of Columbus."[@HorsDisc90,
16] So, while some of the enthusiasm around Horsford's work may have been
motivated by a desire to diminish Columbus as an expression of pro-Nordic
anti-Italian sentiment, it seems the man himself was driven by his own
curiosity in what he saw as little-researched historical possibility.
It was at Shelter island when "a chance reference let fall by one of his
guests" would introduce Horsford to the legend of Norumbega.[@JackHors92, 344]
The term seems to have been widely known in New England at the time; both an
article from the Worcester Daily Spy in 1875 and one from the Vermont Phoenix
in 1894 mention Norumbega in passing, the reader assumed to be familiar.
Horsford, having grown up in New York, was only introduced to it after his
retirement and became deeply interested He read the accounts of Alafonce and
Verrazzano, and describes them in one of his books.[@HorsDisc90, 14] In this
same book, *Discovery of the Ancient City of Norumbega*, Horsford mentions the
existence of so many maps that prominently display Norumbega that "one could
not help thinking that they must have some foundation in truth; the alternative
[would have] involved too many conspirators, of different
nationalities."[@HorsDisc90, 13] How Horsford made the connection from
Norumbega to Leif Erickson is a little less clear, though it was most likely
etymological. We have seen already Horsford's early interest in Native American
language from his early years with the Seneca in New York, and it seems he
thought the name "Norumbega" peculiar. He describes how "many hundreds of years
ago the country we call Norway was called Norbegia or Norbega,"[@HorsDisc90,
19] and that in "the Algonquin family of languages, which prevailed throughout
New England, could not [...] utter the sound of *b* without prefixing to it the
sound of *m*."[@HorsDisc90, 18] Thus, he reasons, *Norumbega* is but a Native
American corruption of what the Vikings would have called Norway. Horsford uses
physical evidence to support his claim as well. He mentions several instances
where the first settlers of Massachusetts found natural dams or weirs, which
could be used for fishing (the fish would be stopped and collect before the
weir on their way upstream to spawn.)[@HorsDisc90, 33-34] He also describes
walls and other structures on the floor of Boston Harbor and Back Bay, evidence
of "the ancient seaport of Norumbega."[@HorsDisc90, 37] To Horsford, all this
evidence proved the existence of a great Viking fort of Norumbega, and
necessitated the construction of a monument. We have seen this pattern before;
once to the Quakers who found refuge on Shelter Island, and again in Boston to
Leif Erickson for discovering America. He justifies the monument in four
It was during one of his visits to Shelter island when "a chance reference let
fall by one of his guests" would introduce Horsford to the legend of
Norumbega.[@JackHors92, 344] The term seems to have been widely known in New
England at the time; both an article from the Worcester Daily Spy in 1875 and
one from the Vermont Phoenix in 1894 mention Norumbega in passing, the reader
assumed to be familiar. Horsford, having grown up in New York, was only
introduced to the myth after his retirement and became energetically intrigued.
He read the accounts of Alafonce and Verrazzano, and describes them in one of
his books.[@HorsDisc90, 14] In this same book, *Discovery of the Ancient City
of Norumbega*, Horsford mentions the existence of so many maps that prominently
display Norumbega that "one could not help thinking that they must have some
foundation in truth; the alternative [would have] involved too many
conspirators, of different nationalities."[@HorsDisc90, 13] How Horsford made
the connection from Norumbega to Leif Erickson is a little less clear, though
it was most likely etymological. We have seen already Horsford's early interest
in Native American language from his early years with the Seneca in New York,
and it seems he thought the name "Norumbega" peculiar. He describes how "many
hundreds of years ago the country we call Norway was called Norbegia or
Norbega,"[@HorsDisc90, 19] and that in "the Algonquin family of languages,
which prevailed throughout New England, could not [...] utter the sound of *b*
without prefixing to it the sound of *m*."[@HorsDisc90, 18] Thus, he reasons,
*Norumbega* is but a Native American corruption of what the Vikings would have
called Norway. Horsford uses physical evidence to support his claim as well. He
mentions several instances where the first settlers of Massachusetts found
natural dams or weirs, which could be used for fishing (the fish would be
stopped and collect before the weir on their way upstream to
spawn).[@HorsDisc90, 33-34] He also describes walls and other structures on the
floor of Boston Harbor and Back Bay, evidence of "the ancient seaport of
Norumbega."[@HorsDisc90, 37] To Horsford, all this evidence proved the
existence of a great Viking fort of Norumbega, and necessitated the
construction of a monument. We have seen this pattern before; once to the
Quakers who found refuge on Shelter Island, and again in Boston to Leif
Erickson for discovering America. To justify the monument, he gave four
reasons:
> 1. It will commemorate the Discovery of Vinland and Norumbega in the
@@ -180,16 +187,16 @@ reasons:
> at the same time the seat of the earliest colony of Europeans in
> America.[@HorsDisc90, 40]
These say much about the man Horsford was. As already seen from his comments on
Columbus, he was not motivated by dislike of the Italians; rather, he sought to
bring "the glory" of Leif's discovery to Massachusetts, his home for the
majority of his working life. Second, he is remarkably humble in his theories;
this is particularly evident in his second point, and to an extent the third.
He accepts that "the trustworthiness of my conclusions might be tested by the
spade,"[@HorsDisc90, 41] and that he had not been able to do much of his own
archaeology. Horsford did not build the tower to be himself remembered, rather
to inspire others to continue his work. Indeed, the plaque at the base of the
tower does not bear his name.
These convictions say much about the man Horsford was. As already seen from his
comments on Columbus, he was not motivated by dislike of the Italians; rather,
he sought to bring "the glory" of Leif's discovery to Massachusetts, his home
for the majority of his working life. Second, he is remarkably humble in his
theories; this is particularly evident in his second point, and to an extent
the third. He accepts that "the trustworthiness of my conclusions
might be tested by the spade,"[@HorsDisc90, 41] and that he had not been
able to do much of his own archaeology. Horsford did not build the tower to be
himself remembered, rather to inspire others to continue his work. Indeed, the
plaque at the base of the tower does not bear his name.
Eben Norton Horsford would die two years after *The Discovery* was published,
on January first, 1893.[@AdamsMemBiog08, 103] He believed himself a pioneer; at