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This commit is contained in:
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Paper.md
265
Paper.md
@@ -2,83 +2,89 @@
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header-includes:
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- \usepackage{setspace}
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- \doublespacing
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title: Norumbega
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title: "Norumbega: The Lives of a Myth"
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author: Jacob Signorovitch
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---
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\maketitle
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In Weston, Massachusetts, across the Charles River from Brandeis University, an
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unusual structure rises among the trees; a forty foot stone tower, complete with
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spiral staircase and ramparts, weathered and stained with time, looking
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unusual structure rises among the trees; a forty foot stone tower, complete
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with spiral staircase and ramparts, weathered and stained with time, looking
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distinctly out of place within earshot of I-95. The story of how it came to be
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there involves Vikings, a baking soda magnate, the discovery of America, and, at
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the center of it all, the city of Norumbega. As one explores the area, the name
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comes up again and again: a map will tell you the structure's name is Norumbega
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Tower, and running alongside is Norumbega Road. Further south, one finds a
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Norumbega Park, and another road called Norumbega Court. This paper will explore
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how one man in the late 19th century, Eben Norton Horsford, combined Norse saga
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and a mythical Native American city into a theory for the original discovery of
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America, what motivated him to do so, and what he left behind.
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there involves Vikings, a baking soda magnate, the discovery of America, and,
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at the center of it all, the mythical city of Norumbega. As one explores the
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surrounding area, the name appears again and again: a map will tell you the
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structure's name is Norumbega Tower, and running alongside is Norumbega Road.
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Further south, one finds a Norumbega Park, and another road called Norumbega
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Court. This paper will explore how one man in the late 19th century, Eben
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Norton Horsford, combined Norse saga and a mythical New England city into a
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theory for the original discovery of America, what motivated him to do so, and
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the legacy he left behind.
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The myth of Norumbega originated in the 16th century, during the Age of
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Exploration. It was variously a town, city, or country, somewhere along the
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coast of New England, inhabited by amiable and civilized natives. First given
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the name *Nurumberg* by Giacomo Gastaldi in a 1548 edition of Ptolemy's
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Geography,[@KirsNor98, 34] the myth can be traced back to a conflation of two
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separate accounts. The first is that of Giovanni da Verrazzano, a Florentine
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explorer under King Francis I of France.[@GreeneLife37, 4-7] He was one of the
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first Europeans to explore the area around Narragansett Bay in 1524[@KirsNor98,
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36, 39], and recounted his experiences in a letter to the king. He described a
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pleasant harbor inhabited by friendly and civil natives.[@KirsNor98, 39] They
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practiced "more systematic cultivation [of crops] than the other tribes," and
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were "very like the manner of the ancients [i.e., antiquity]."[@KirsNor98, 39]
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In the latter, Giovanni names the place *refugio*, "on account of its
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beauty."[@KirsNor98, 39] Despite Narragansett Bay being quite far from where
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Norumbega would eventually be described, the Penobscot Bay region of modern day
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Maine, geographical ambiguity allowed his account to become "at the heart of the
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Norumbega legend."[@KirsNor98, 39] Specifically, the mention of a "more
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civilized" tribe of natives would become a core aspect of the mythical city in
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all future renditions. The second account is that of Jean Alfonce de Saintonge,
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pilot on Jacques Cartier's exploration of the Penobscot Bay area [@KirsNor98,
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41]. Sailing up the Penobscot River, which he called the *Norenbègue*, he
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described "a city called *Norombegue* with clever inhabitants [...] The people
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use many words which sound like Latin and worship the sun, and they are fair
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people and tall."[@KirsNor98, 41] These two accounts, Giovanni's *refugio* and
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The myth of Norumbega originated in the sixteenth century, during the Age of
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Exploration. To European explorers, it was variously a town, city, or country,
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somewhere along the coast of New England, inhabited by amiable and civilized
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natives. First given the name *Nurumberg* by Giacomo Gastaldi in a 1548 edition
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of Ptolemy's Geography,[@KirsNor98, 34] the myth can be traced back to a
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conflation of two separate accounts. The first is that of Giovanni da
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Verrazzano, a Florentine explorer under King Francis I of
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France.[@GreeneLife37, 4-7] He was one of the first Europeans to explore the
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area around Narragansett Bay in 1524[@KirsNor98, 36, 39], and recounted his
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experiences in a letter to the king. He described a pleasant harbor inhabited
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by friendly and civil natives.[@KirsNor98, 39] They practiced "more systematic
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cultivation [of crops] than the other tribes," and were "very like the manner
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of the ancients [i.e., western antiquity]."[@KirsNor98, 39] In the letter,
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Verrazzano names the place *refugio*, "on account of its beauty."[@KirsNor98,
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39] Despite Narragansett Bay being quite far from where Norumbega would
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eventually be described, geographical ambiguity allowed his account to become
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"at the heart of the Norumbega legend."[@KirsNor98, 39] Specifically, the
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mention of a "more civilized" tribe of natives would become a core aspect of
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the mythical city in all future renditions. The second account, which lends the
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myth its name and location, is that of Jean Alfonce de Saintonge, a pilot on
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Jacques Cartier's exploration of the Penobscot Bay area.[@KirsNor98, 41]
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Sailing up the Penobscot River, which he called the *Norenbègue*, he described
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"a city called *Norombegue* with clever inhabitants [...] The people use many
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words which sound like Latin and worship the sun, and they are fair people and
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tall."[@KirsNor98, 41] These two accounts, Varrazzano's *refugio* and
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Saintonge's *Norombegue*, eventually merged into a single myth, canonized by
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the cartographer Gastaldi, of an advanced Native American city more similar to
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Europe than its neighbors.[@KirsNor98, 41]
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Over the centuries to follow, more accurate maps were drawn revealing Norumbega
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not as the advanced society it was believed but only "a settlement on the outer
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Penobscot shore."[@KirsNor98, 55] Still, the myth lay dormant, disproven yet
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still alluring. Enter Eben Norton Horsford, a chemist working in Cambridge,
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Massachusetts. Best known for his invention of modern baking
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powder,[@JackHors92, 343] he had long harbored in interest in history and
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archaeology. He would collect fossils around his father's farm in Moscow (now
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Leister), New York where he grew up,[@JackHors92, 340] and became interested in
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learning the language of the Seneca Indians[@JackHors92, 340] to which his
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father worked as a missionary.[@JackHors92, 103] Later, he would often visit
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his wife's family estate on Shelter Island, New York.[@AdamsMemBiog08, 104]
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There, he became interested in the island's history and "erected a monument to
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the Quakers, who found shelter there from Puritan
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persecution."[@AdamsMemBiog08, 104] This pattern of research and monument
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building would be repeated several times throughout his life, including the
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Norumbega Tower. Horsford's most famous accomplishment, and how he was able to
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fund these projects, would come in 1856 with his invention of a revolutionary
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new baking powder recipe without a fermentation step.[@JackHors92, 343] He
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founded the Rumford Chemical Works, named after the Rumford Professorship
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position he held at Harvard, which would make him a fortune.[@JackHors92, 343]
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While in Cambridge, Horsford became very interested in the possibility of
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Vikings in New England. This idea had some precedent;[@FlemPicHist95, 1079] in
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1841, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow wrote *The Skeleton in Armour*, a poem about a
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Norse warrior whose body was discovered by Fall River,
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Massachusetts.[@LongBall41, 29-41] But it was with Horsford the idea came to be
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most associated.[@FlemPicHist95, 1080] In 1887,[@HorsDisc87, 10] Horsford wrote
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the dedication for a large bronze statue of Erickson,[@GuttVal18, 86]
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commending him for his early discovery of America. He doesn't stop just there,
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though; he additionally asserts Leif sailed south after making the continent,
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all the way to Cape Cod. He explains his reasoning:
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Over the centuries that followed, more accurate maps and exploration revealed Norumbega
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not as the advanced society it was believed to be but only "a settlement on the
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outer Penobscot shore."[@KirsNor98, 55] Still, the myth lay dormant, disproven
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yet still alluring. Enter Eben Norton Horsford, a mid-nineteenth century
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chemist working in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Best known for his invention of
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modern baking powder,[@JackHors92, 343] Horsford had long harbored an interest
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in history and archaeology. He collected fossils around his father's farm in
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Moscow (now Leister), New York where he grew up,[@JackHors92, 340] and became
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interested in learning the language of the Seneca Indians[@JackHors92, 340] to
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which his father worked as a missionary.[@JackHors92, 103] Later, he would
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often visit his wife's family estate on Shelter Island, New
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York,[@AdamsMemBiog08, 104] where he became interested in the island's history.
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He even "erected a monument to the Quakers, who found shelter there from
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Puritan persecution."[@AdamsMemBiog08, 104] This pattern of research and
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monument building would be repeated several times throughout Horsford's life,
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culminating in Norumbega Tower. Horsford's most famous accomplishment, and how
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he was able to fund these projects, would come in 1856 with his invention of a
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revolutionary new baking powder recipe without a fermentation
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step.[@JackHors92, 343] He founded the Rumford Chemical Works, named after the
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Rumford Professorship position he held at Harvard, which would make him a
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fortune.[@JackHors92, 343] While in Cambridge, Horsford became fascinated by
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the possibility of Vikings in New England. This idea had some
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precedent;[@FlemPicHist95, 1079] in 1841, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow wrote *The
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Skeleton in Armour*, a poem about a Norse warrior whose body was discovered by
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Fall River, Massachusetts.[@LongBall41, 29-41] But it was with Horsford the
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idea came to be most associated.[@FlemPicHist95, 1080] In 1887,[@HorsDisc87,
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10] Horsford wrote the dedication for a large bronze statue of
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Erickson,[@GuttVal18, 86] commending him for his early discovery of America. To
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this point, modern scholars agree; archaeological evidence at L'Anse aux
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Meadows in Newfoundland constitutes a "pre-1492 presence of Europeans in the
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Americas."[@LedgeHorz19, 2] According to Icelandic sagas, it was here Erickson
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built the settlement of *Vinland*. Horsford, however, believed Erickson to have
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sailed far further south after making the continent, all the way down to Cape
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Cod. He explains his reasoning:
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> ...if you will be kind enough to hold up to your mind's eye, now for a
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> moment, any familiar map of North America. Look at the east coast. From
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@@ -87,13 +93,12 @@ all the way to Cape Cod. He explains his reasoning:
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> 9]
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He disregards Newfoundland as an option, saying "[it] is bold, rocky,
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mountainous, of meagre vegetation, and with few beaches."[@HorsDisc87, 10]
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Ironically, the best evidence archaeologists have now for the location of
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Vinland is L'Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland. How Horsford was recieved in the
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moment, if those around him were surprised by this theory, is unclear. But his
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theories would certainly see criticism from historians once published. One
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contemporary historian, Justin Winsor, found issue with Horsford's theory that
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Vikings had left a noticeable imprint on Native American language:
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mountainous, of meagre vegetation, and with few beaches."[@HorsDisc87, 10] How
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Horsford was received in the moment, if those around him were surprised by this
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theory, is unclear. But when he published the dedication, titled *The Discovery
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of America by Northmen*, his theories drew the ire of contemporary historians.
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One author, Justin Winsor, found issue with Horsford's theory that Vikings had
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left a noticeable imprint on Native American language:
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> Nothing could be slenderer than the alleged correspondences of languages, and
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> we can see in Horsford's *Discovery of America by Northmen* to what a
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@@ -112,54 +117,56 @@ found."[@HorsProb89, 14] Here Horsford was remarkably confident in his claims,
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inviting his audience to see the evidence for themselves. He claims there are
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"inequalities of the surface," which are "the remains of two long log houses,
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and huts, or cots."[@HorsProb89, 14] He states they are arranged "'some nearer,
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some farther from the water,' as the sagas say,"[@HorsProb89, 14] again using
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the sagas as a primary source of proof for his theory. Outside of just
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Horsford, there existed a wider movement around the promotion of Leif Erickson
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at the time. Newspapers at the time rarely mention Leif without mention his
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preceding Columbus,[^1] which may have been part of the widespread anti-Italian
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sentiment. Several other proponents of Vikings in New England also believed
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"the 'Aryan race,' in particular its 'Teutonic' [i.e., German] branch, was
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superior to all others."[@FlemPicHist95, 1078] Horsford, however, seems to have
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only been interested in Leif and never brings up racial superiority or a
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disdain for Columbus. In fact, he states that Leif's prior discovery of America
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"would dim, by the measure of the faintest Indian-summer haze only, the
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transcendent glory of the life-work of Columbus."[@HorsDisc90, 16] So, while
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some of the enthusiasm around Horsford's work may have been to diminish
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Columbus as an expression of pro-Nordic anti-Italian sentiment, it seems the
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man himself was more scientifically motivated.
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some farther from the water,' as the sagas say,"[@HorsProb89, 14] again drawing
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on the sagas as his primary source. Outside of just Horsford, there existed a
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wider movement around the promotion of Leif Erickson in the late nineteenth
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century. Newspapers at the time rarely mention Leif without mentioning his
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preceding Columbus,[^1] which may have been part of a widespread anti-Italian
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and anti-Catholic sentiment. Several other proponents of Vikings in New England
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also believed "the 'Aryan race,' in particular its 'Teutonic' [i.e., German]
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branch, was superior to all others."[@FlemPicHist95, 1078] Horsford, however,
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seems to have only been interested in Leif and never brings up racial
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superiority or a disdain for Columbus. In fact, he states that Leif's prior
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discovery of America "would dim, by the measure of the faintest Indian-summer
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haze only, the transcendent glory of the life-work of Columbus."[@HorsDisc90,
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16] So, while some of the enthusiasm around Horsford's work may have been
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motivated by a desire to diminish Columbus as an expression of pro-Nordic
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anti-Italian sentiment, it seems the man himself was driven by his own
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curiosity in what he saw as little-researched historical possibility.
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It was at Shelter island when "a chance reference let fall by one of his
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guests" would introduce Horsford to the legend of Norumbega.[@JackHors92, 344]
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The term seems to have been widely known in New England at the time; both an
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article from the Worcester Daily Spy in 1875 and one from the Vermont Phoenix
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in 1894 mention Norumbega in passing, the reader assumed to be familiar.
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Horsford, having grown up in New York, was only introduced to it after his
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retirement and became deeply interested He read the accounts of Alafonce and
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Verrazzano, and describes them in one of his books.[@HorsDisc90, 14] In this
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same book, *Discovery of the Ancient City of Norumbega*, Horsford mentions the
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existence of so many maps that prominently display Norumbega that "one could
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not help thinking that they must have some foundation in truth; the alternative
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[would have] involved too many conspirators, of different
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nationalities."[@HorsDisc90, 13] How Horsford made the connection from
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Norumbega to Leif Erickson is a little less clear, though it was most likely
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etymological. We have seen already Horsford's early interest in Native American
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language from his early years with the Seneca in New York, and it seems he
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thought the name "Norumbega" peculiar. He describes how "many hundreds of years
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ago the country we call Norway was called Norbegia or Norbega,"[@HorsDisc90,
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19] and that in "the Algonquin family of languages, which prevailed throughout
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New England, could not [...] utter the sound of *b* without prefixing to it the
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sound of *m*."[@HorsDisc90, 18] Thus, he reasons, *Norumbega* is but a Native
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American corruption of what the Vikings would have called Norway. Horsford uses
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physical evidence to support his claim as well. He mentions several instances
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where the first settlers of Massachusetts found natural dams or weirs, which
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could be used for fishing (the fish would be stopped and collect before the
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weir on their way upstream to spawn.)[@HorsDisc90, 33-34] He also describes
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walls and other structures on the floor of Boston Harbor and Back Bay, evidence
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of "the ancient seaport of Norumbega."[@HorsDisc90, 37] To Horsford, all this
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evidence proved the existence of a great Viking fort of Norumbega, and
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necessitated the construction of a monument. We have seen this pattern before;
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once to the Quakers who found refuge on Shelter Island, and again in Boston to
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Leif Erickson for discovering America. He justifies the monument in four
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It was during one of his visits to Shelter island when "a chance reference let
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fall by one of his guests" would introduce Horsford to the legend of
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Norumbega.[@JackHors92, 344] The term seems to have been widely known in New
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England at the time; both an article from the Worcester Daily Spy in 1875 and
|
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one from the Vermont Phoenix in 1894 mention Norumbega in passing, the reader
|
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assumed to be familiar. Horsford, having grown up in New York, was only
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introduced to the myth after his retirement and became energetically intrigued.
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He read the accounts of Alafonce and Verrazzano, and describes them in one of
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his books.[@HorsDisc90, 14] In this same book, *Discovery of the Ancient City
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of Norumbega*, Horsford mentions the existence of so many maps that prominently
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display Norumbega that "one could not help thinking that they must have some
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foundation in truth; the alternative [would have] involved too many
|
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conspirators, of different nationalities."[@HorsDisc90, 13] How Horsford made
|
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the connection from Norumbega to Leif Erickson is a little less clear, though
|
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it was most likely etymological. We have seen already Horsford's early interest
|
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in Native American language from his early years with the Seneca in New York,
|
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and it seems he thought the name "Norumbega" peculiar. He describes how "many
|
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hundreds of years ago the country we call Norway was called Norbegia or
|
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Norbega,"[@HorsDisc90, 19] and that in "the Algonquin family of languages,
|
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which prevailed throughout New England, could not [...] utter the sound of *b*
|
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without prefixing to it the sound of *m*."[@HorsDisc90, 18] Thus, he reasons,
|
||||
*Norumbega* is but a Native American corruption of what the Vikings would have
|
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called Norway. Horsford uses physical evidence to support his claim as well. He
|
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mentions several instances where the first settlers of Massachusetts found
|
||||
natural dams or weirs, which could be used for fishing (the fish would be
|
||||
stopped and collect before the weir on their way upstream to
|
||||
spawn).[@HorsDisc90, 33-34] He also describes walls and other structures on the
|
||||
floor of Boston Harbor and Back Bay, evidence of "the ancient seaport of
|
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Norumbega."[@HorsDisc90, 37] To Horsford, all this evidence proved the
|
||||
existence of a great Viking fort of Norumbega, and necessitated the
|
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construction of a monument. We have seen this pattern before; once to the
|
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Quakers who found refuge on Shelter Island, and again in Boston to Leif
|
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Erickson for discovering America. To justify the monument, he gave four
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reasons:
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> 1. It will commemorate the Discovery of Vinland and Norumbega in the
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@@ -180,16 +187,16 @@ reasons:
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> at the same time the seat of the earliest colony of Europeans in
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> America.[@HorsDisc90, 40]
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These say much about the man Horsford was. As already seen from his comments on
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Columbus, he was not motivated by dislike of the Italians; rather, he sought to
|
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bring "the glory" of Leif's discovery to Massachusetts, his home for the
|
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majority of his working life. Second, he is remarkably humble in his theories;
|
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this is particularly evident in his second point, and to an extent the third.
|
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He accepts that "the trustworthiness of my conclusions might be tested by the
|
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spade,"[@HorsDisc90, 41] and that he had not been able to do much of his own
|
||||
archaeology. Horsford did not build the tower to be himself remembered, rather
|
||||
to inspire others to continue his work. Indeed, the plaque at the base of the
|
||||
tower does not bear his name.
|
||||
These convictions say much about the man Horsford was. As already seen from his
|
||||
comments on Columbus, he was not motivated by dislike of the Italians; rather,
|
||||
he sought to bring "the glory" of Leif's discovery to Massachusetts, his home
|
||||
for the majority of his working life. Second, he is remarkably humble in his
|
||||
theories; this is particularly evident in his second point, and to an extent
|
||||
the third. He accepts that "the trustworthiness of my conclusions
|
||||
might be tested by the spade,"[@HorsDisc90, 41] and that he had not been
|
||||
able to do much of his own archaeology. Horsford did not build the tower to be
|
||||
himself remembered, rather to inspire others to continue his work. Indeed, the
|
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plaque at the base of the tower does not bear his name.
|
||||
|
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Eben Norton Horsford would die two years after *The Discovery* was published,
|
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on January first, 1893.[@AdamsMemBiog08, 103] He believed himself a pioneer; at
|
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|
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